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Friday, 1 February 2008

Carlos Enrique Lehder,George Jung

The partnership of Lehder and Jung handled transport and distribution, while Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar handled production and supply (By the age of 32 Pablo Escobar was netting $500,000 a day). Other elements of the cartel, such as the Ochoa family, helped deal with political matters in Colombia.
Using an efficient, high-tech approach to cocaine smuggling that facilitated shipment of the drug in mass quantities, Lehder and Jung were soon rising stars.
In the late 70s, the Lehder-Jung partnership began to diverge, due to some combination of Lehder's megalomania, and Lehder's secret scheming to secure a personal Bahamanian island as a complete all-purpose headquarters for his operations.
Carlos Enrique Lehder started out as a stolen car dealer, a marijuana dealer, and a smuggler of stolen cars between the US and Canada. While serving a sentence for car theft in federal prison in Danbury, Connecticut, Lehder decided that, upon his release, he would take advantage of the burgeoning market for cocaine in the United States, and enlisted his bunkmate, former marijuana dealer George Jung (Portrayed by Johnny Depp in the movie Blow), as a future partner. Jung had experience with flying marijuana to the US from Mexico in small aircraft, staying below radar level and landing on dry lake beds. Inspired by the idea, Lehder decided to apply the principle to cocaine transport and formed a partnership with Jung. While in prison he set out to learn as much information, that would be useful to him in the cocaine business, as he possibly could. Lehder would sometimes spend hours questioning fellow inmates on money laundering and smuggling. George Jung said that Lehder kept countless files and constantly took notes. Norman’s Cay was a popular anchorage for visiting yachts. It was developed in the early 1970s as a small residential community with a clubhouse and marina. But in 1978 a Bahamian company called International Dutch Resources began buying up land there. IDR was set up for Lehder by a regular trust company in Nassau, which conveniently managed his working capital.
Lehder bought as much property on the island as he could and then chased off the remaining residents. Armed guards patrolled day and night and former Member of Parliament Norman Solomon was once threatened at gunpoint on the beach. As Lehder chased away the local population and began to assume total control of the island, Bahamian Prime Minister Lynden Pindling, believed to have taken massive amounts of money in bribes from Lehder and associates, did nothing. Norman's Cay became Lehder's lawless private fiefdom. By this time, George Jung had been forced out of the operation, and international criminal financier Robert Vesco had allegedly become a partner. Jung used his prior connections to take up a more modest line of independent smuggling for Escobar, and stayed out of Lehder's way.
Lehder's smuggling operation on Norman's Cay was an overnight success. Court papers show that the first (and modest) load Lehder handled reaped a $1 million profit for two days of work. From 1978 through 1982, the Cay became the Caribbean's main drug smuggling hub and a tropical hideaway and playground for Lehder and associates. Cocaine was flown in from Colombia by jet and then reloaded into the small aircraft that then distributed it to locations in Georgia, Florida, and the Carolinas. These unexpected destinations made evasion easier because U.S. authorities were watching only the country's southern borders.



After their releases (both were paroled), Lehder and Jung built up a small stream of money through simple, traditional drug smuggling - they enlisted two American girls to take a paid vacation to Antigua, receive cocaine, and carry it back with them to the US in their suitcases. Repeating this process several times, they soon had enough money for an airplane.
Using a small plane and a professional pilot, they began to fly cocaine into the United States via the Bahamas, increasing their financial resources and building connections and trust with Colombian suppliers while spreading money around among Bahamian government officials for political and judicial protection. Their untraditional method of drug-smuggling began to gain credibility.

Shortly thereafter, Lehder talked other drug lords, already active in the marijuana trade into forming a cooperative that became a cartel based in the northwestern industrial city of Medellin (Colombia's second largest city).

Constantin (Big Gus) Alevizos

Constantin (Big Gus) Alevizos, 45 stumbled into the halfway house late last night with gunshot wounds to either the back or stomach, said Const. Wayne Patterson.
Peel Regional Police received a call around 10 p.m. with a report that someone had been shot at St. Leonard’s Place, a transition house for both homeless men with serious mental illnesses and ex-offenders.
“We do know what he had been in prison for but at this time we need to revisit his past as we investigate,” said Patterson.
Alevizos was sentenced in a Newmarket court to three years in prison last February for his role in a drug conspiracy, the last of 32 co- accused to be sentenced — without a single trial held.
Alevizos was part of a large police investigation that hampered the expansion of the Montreal Mafia into Ontario, shut down one of the largest Ecstasy vendors in Canada and sparked the recent arrests of some of the biggest names in crime.
In an interview last year with the National Post, Alevizos dismissed suggestions he stole any cash and said that he was only afraid of only two things in life: God and his mother.
He was once described by a witness as the "biggest man I've ever seen" and by police as a 6-foot-6 male weighing 460 pounds earning him the nickname “Big Gus.”
One of Alevizos' closest friends, Gaetano Panepinto, was tight with outlaw motorcycle gang members, mafiosi, and high volume drug dealers.
He signed on early with the Rizzuto organization, the powerful Montreal-based Mafia family, when it started moving into Ontario, which gave him tremendous influence in the underworld.
Police do not have any suspects and are asking anyone who may have witnessed the shooting to come forward.
Alevizos had a pulse when police arrived but his vital signs soon disappeared, police said. He was then transported to a local hospital, where he was pronounced dead.
Alivezos was an all-star for the Guelph Gryphons university football team in the late 1980s. He also tried out for the Toronto Argonauts, in a brief career in the Canadian Football League.

Thursday, 31 January 2008

Leon Johnson

On Bank Holiday Monday 29 May 2006,Leon Johnson flew into Liverpool airport and, together with others, drove into the middle of a Caribbean festival which was taking place in Broadfield Park, Moss Side.
Within minutes a shooting occurred between rival gangs, including Johnson.
SOCU officers who witnessed the incident were able to provide vital evidence.
After a joint investigation between Lancashire Constabulary and GMP Johnson was arrested and charged with serious firearms offences.

"a leading light in a gang of armed thugs" has today been jailed for firearms offences.
The judge at Manchester Crown Court directed that the custodial period for Leon Johnson, of Annis Street, Preston, should be nine years and eight months.
It comes after Lancashire police carried out a covert investigation into gun crime across Preston.
Operation Decathlon was set up in February 2006 by officers from Lancashire Constabulary's Serious and Organised Crime Unit (SOCU) who targeted 30 year old Leon Johnson.
Johnson was a known member of Manchester's 'Young Gooch Crew' who became a resident on Preston's Callon Estate.
Johnson was found guilty of those offences after a 14 day trial in November, during which SOCU officers from Lancashire Constabulary gave evidence.
Superintendent Dave Brian, from Lancashire Constabulary's Serious and Organised Crime Unit, said: "This is an excellent result for the communities of Greater Manchester but also for the people of Preston.

"The conviction of Johnson should serve as a warning that Lancashire Constabulary will pursue vigorously those who threaten our communities by carrying and using firearms."
In summing up, Judge Gee QC, said: "Johnson was a danger to the public and it was quite clear in the evidence given that he was a leading figure of the 'Young Gooch Crew' and a soldier loyal to this gang.
"He was a significant risk who would have carried out serious harm to other gang members and more importantly to our law abiding members of the public.
"It was for pure good fortune that no members of the public were seriously injured or killed on the day in question."
Detective Sergeant Dave Rimmer, from Lancashire Constabulary's Serious and Organised Crime Unit, added: "I am delighted with the outcome of this trial and also the judge's comments.
"Gun crime is incredibly serious but it is being dealt with robustly by Lancashire Constabulary and this conviction reflects that.
"Today's result also highlights a fantastic joint investigation involving two North West forces who are committed to tackling gun crime."

Ruben "Nite Owl" Castro,Shatto Park Locos , Hoover Locos



Ruben "Nite Owl" Castro, 46, a leader of the Mexican Mafia prison gang who authorities said controlled the two cliques of the 18th Street gang targeted in the indictment, the Shatto Park Locos and the Hoover Locos.
Castro allegedly ran the enterprise from the Administrative Maximum facility in Florence, Colo., where he is serving a life term after being convicted on similar gang racketeering charges in 1997.
With the highest level of security in the nation, the Supermax houses Unabomber Theodore Kaczynski, shoe-bomber Richard Reid and 9/11 plotter Zacarias Moussaoui.
Under constant surveillance, Castro had to use cryptic phone conversations and hidden messages to get his directives to his deputies on the streets, who are described in court papers as "shot callers."
At least two letters seized by the FBI were scrawled in thick pencil marks, which when erased revealed tiny messages written with a fine-point pen.
"We have a couple letters with significant messages to the shot callers on how to direct things," Riordan said.
Castro mostly relayed his messages through his girlfriend, Jesusita Ramirez, 62, who served as an intermediary between him and the street lieutenants, prosecutors said.
Letters from prisoners are supposed to be screened by prison officials. But Castro's hidden messages apparently were able to get out of the prison undetected, officials said.
From the same prison, members of the Aryan Nation gang were able to send orders for killings and other crimes using a complicated system of secret codes, according to testimony at a trial in Orange County earlier this year.
Running Castro's day-to-day operation outside the prison were the shot callers who collected regular "rent" from drug wholesalers and street peddlers, prosecutors allege.
One wholesaler allegedly said that he paid defendant Mervin Nelson Sanchez $1,500 a week to supply dealers in one area.
"Untimely payment of rent to Ruben Castro Organization by a narcotics dealer often resulted in increased rent," according to the indictment, followed by "threatened and actual acts of violence."
Shot callers decided whether the wholesalers and retailers were bringing in enough cash, Riordan said. They told the dealers which wholesalers they had to buy from, and how much per day they had to buy.
When unauthorized dealers moved in, the shot callers gathered weapons to get rid of them, the indictment alleges.
The shot callers didn't have free reign, though, he said; they answered to Castro's girlfriend, Ramirez, who is wanted but still at large.
On one occasion in 2004, according to court documents, she told a shot caller that Castro was angry because drug sales in one neighborhood were down. Castro, she said, believed that the reason was because the shot caller's assistant lived too far from the area, according to court documents.
Much of the estimated half-million dollars a year in proceeds was transferred straight to her, the indictment says, and a small amount went to Castro in prison. Another portion allegedly went to the Mexican Mafia to pay for protection for members of the two 18th Street gang cliques in prison.
Local and federal authorities have been trying for decades to bring down the 18th Street gang, which has about 8,000 members in Los Angeles County alone.
In 2000, federal prosecutors indicted 26 members of the 18th Street clique known as the Columbia Li'l Cycos, which also charged dealers the right to operate.
The group generated hundreds of thousands of dollars in profits, which it plowed into homes in Burbank and El Monte, a restaurant in South Gate and an auto business in Los Angeles. The case resulted in 26 convictions, Riordan said.
The Los Angeles city attorney's office has obtained three different injunctions against the gang's various cliques. Castro was arrested in 1997 along with other gang leaders in what officials said then was an effort to "cut off the head" of the gang.
But the 18th Street gang has seemed to bounce back each time, often with new recruits.
Based on experience, Riordan said, he expects the latest indictment to put the gang out of action for three years in those neighborhoods. But, he said, other members might eventually fight for control of the area.
In addition to Castro, 10 members and associates of the 18th Street gang were indicted on federal racketeering and conspiracy charges of using threats and violence to control the drug trade.
Both the 18th Street gang and its rival, the Mara Salvatrucha, were born among Central American immigrants in the troubled blocks of apartments west of downtown, and have since grown to tens of thousands of members here, in Central America and, increasingly, across the United States and Mexico.
The U.S. Southern Command, based in Miami, has said the gangs pose one of the biggest threats to security in Central America, and authorities are concerned that the acts of extreme violence seen there — beheadings, tortures, a massacre of 28 people on a bus in Honduras — could begin here.
Though the two gangs mostly are disorganized — with no known leadership — there are signs that they are evolving into something more organized. "In El Salvador, eight different cliques got together and performed a kidnapping extortion recently," the FBI's Robert B. Loosle said.
The indictment is the first time that federal authorities have alleged a conspiracy between two cliques.
Riordan said this type of organization and professionalism generally starts in Los Angeles and spreads.
"We are the cradle," he said.

Gang leader Earnest Copeland

According to the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Federal authorities have charged the leader and 13 members of a South Florida street gang for organized crime. those charged are members of the gang called Neighborhood Piru or NHP, which has ties with the national organized crime group Bloods. They have committed murders, kidnappings, shootings, assaults, home invasions, robberies and other crimes over the past 18 months.
If convicted of the charge, gang leader Earnest Copeland and each of the other defendants, including his wife Sharlene, faces a maximum sentence of 20 years' imprisonment and a fine of $250,000.
According to the indictment, Copeland approved shootings and mediated disputes between members. He also took portion of proceeds earned through drug trafficking, robberies and other illegal acts.

Gezin Vukcaj

"execution-style" shooting death of Albanian national.
No arrests have been made in the death of Gezin Vukcaj, whose body was discovered slumped in the front seat of a friend's full-size Hummer on Groesbeck Highway near the Imperial Hall banquet center in Clinton Township.
"We've ruled out robbery and it looks like an execution-style slaying," said Detective Lt. Marc Rybinski.
Authorities suspect drugs or retribution may be a motive in the slaying of Vukcaj, a divorced construction painter who was born in Albania.
Clinton Township investigators are consulting with members of the Balkan Organized Crime Task Force, a panel of local, state and federal law enforcers investigating crimes in Michigan that originated in the Balkan area of Eastern Europe.
The township, like several other communities in the tri-county area, has contributed an officer to the task force, which also includes Michigan State Police troopers and FBI agents. The panel has been in existence for about two years.
Police are hoping task force members may be able to generate leads in the unsolved slaying.
Mark Bowling, supervisor of the FBI's regional office in Macomb County, said he could not comment on the task force's involvement with an ongoing investigation.
Vukcaj's body was found about 2:30 a.m. Monday by a passing motorist, but police theorize the shooting occurred between 9:30 and 11:30 p.m. Sunday. The Hummer belonged to a friend of the victim.
The vehicle was parked in front of Tandem Tires next to the banquet hall, where a concert by popular Albanian entertainer Zef Beha was taking place. When the banquet hall's parking lot is filled, the overflow cars often park in front of the tire store.
An autopsy conducted by Macomb County Medical Examiner Dr. Werner Spitz determined the single gunshot to the back of the victim's head was fired from about three feet away, police said.
Police suspect the shooting may have been retribution for a fatal shooting that took place during a concert inside Imperial Hall in 2004.
In that case, Kin Vukcaj - the brother of Gezin Vukcaj - has been named in an arrest warrant charging him with homicide in connection with the shooting of Ardijan Mitaj, a Hamtramck restaurant owner.
Kin Vukcaj is believed to have flown to Bosnia immediately after the shooting and has never been charged in the 2004 slaying.
Police have ruled out robbery as a motive for Gezin Vukcaj, 32, because his cell phone, cash and wallet were not taken, Rybinski said.
"We've also heard some information that a yellow Hummer had possibly been involved in some drug transactions so we have to look at that connection," Rybinski said. "But the Hummer didn't belong to the victim; it was a buddy's vehicle."
Vukcaj's relatives in Macomb County could not be reached for comment on Wednesday. They have been working with the U.S. Embassy in Albania to work out travel arrangements for relatives to come to Michigan to attend funeral services.

Wednesday, 30 January 2008

Dimitar Zheliazkov

Bulgaria's most notorious crime bosses, nicknamed "The Eyes", has been jailed for for drug trafficking.
A court in the Black Sea city of Burgas convicted Dimitar Zheliazkov and 11 members of his gang after they pleaded guilty to charges of founding an organised armed group for drug trafficking, a court spokeswoman said.
"For the first time such a key figure from the Bulgarian criminal world has been convicted. This has not happened so far," prosecutor Svetlozar Kostov said on national radio.
Last week, Zheliazkov, 32, and the other 11 men reached an out-of-court agreement with prosecutors to plead guilty to the charges. The 11 were jailed for one to five years.
Zheliazkov was sentenced to 4-½ years.
Commentators criticised prosecutors for not seeking the maximum sentence of 15 years in prison.
Zheliazkov had been arrested several times before but prosecutors could not build a successful case against him.
The European Union, which Bulgaria joined in 2007, and the United States have repeatedly urged Sofia to end a climate of impunity and demonstrate the political will to fight crime.
The Balkan country has failed to jail a single criminal for any of 151 gangland killings since 2000.
Crime groups' profits from trade in drugs, stolen cars and trafficking of women are estimated at up to €2.2 billion ($3.66 billion) a year, a report by an independent Bulgarian anti-graft organisation showed last month.

The report by the Centre for the Study of Democracy said organised crime groups were "buying" politicians, magistrates and civil servants to legalise businesses and extend control over lucrative markets.

Texas Mexican Mafia

"The Mexican Mafia is a violent criminal gang. They deal in intimidation. They deal in drugs — heroin and cocaine. They deal in violence, and in this case, they dealt in murder," he said.
The slayings go back to 2000 and occurred in San Antonio, Austin and Atascosa County, a rural county south of San Antonio. Most were unsolved before the racketeering charges, said Sutton.
The victims were mostly members of the Mexican Mafia or rival gangs. In some cases, they were suspected drug dealers indebted to the Mexican Mafia, which authorities say enforces a street tax on drug dealers who work on gang turf.
The defendants were not charged with murder, in part because tying them to a specific crime is harder than proving they ran an operation that committed murder and dealt drugs, Sutton said. Conviction under federal racketeering charges can bring a term of life in prison.
Most of the defendants were already in custody on lesser charges before the Tuesday grand jury indictment, which was first reported by the San Antonio Express-News. By Wednesday morning, 18 were in custody. Another five were still being sought.
None had attorneys listed in U.S. District Court filings.
The investigation that led to Tuesday's indictment included the use of informants and undercover officers over a three-year period, said Sutton, though he declined to release details of the investigation. Other indictments could still be coming, he said.
FBI Special Agent In Charge Ralph Diaz called the indictments, which included alleged generals and lieutenants in the gang, "a very significant hit to the organization."
The Texas Mexican Mafia, allegedly founded by San Antonio native Heriberto "Herb" Huerta in 1984, is the largest gang in the state prison system, but it's not directly related to a California gang of the same name. Huerta and other gang members were later convicted on drug charges.

The Texas Department of Criminal Justice tracks the number of Mexican Mafia members in the prison system but doesn't release the numbers because of concerns that it will exacerbate problems with rival gangs in the system, said department spokesman Jason Clark.
Gangs like the Mexican Mafia recruit members inside the prison system as a way to ensure protection, but membership continues even when an inmate is released, said FBI spokesman Eric Vasys. Some members are also recruited among family or friends who not incarcerated.
Outside prison, the gang allegedly deals drugs and extorts people. Members also carry out retaliatory killings or other violence at the orders of bosses, many of whom are still in prison, Vasys said.
The federal racketeering law provides a way for prosecutors to go after gang members even if they didn't directly commit a violent crime.
"You don't have be there to get convicted," Vasys said.
While most of the victims in this week's indictment were gang members or drug dealers, authorities said the crimes affect neighborhoods and innocent family members.
Even if it's "bad guy killing bad guy, it still deteriorates the fabric of the community," said Vasys.

Ten reputed members of a violent Camden street gang

Ten reputed members of a violent Camden street gang have been arrested on drug dealing and racketeering charges stemming from a six-month investigation by a joint state and federal violent-crime drug task force.
Three of the reputed gang members were already facing charges of conspiracy to commit murder.
The New Jersey Attorney General's Office announced the arrests yesterday in a case that targeted the Nine Trey Headbustas, a faction or "set" of what authorities called a local branch of the Bloods street gang.
The gang allegedly dealt large quantities of crack cocaine and heroin along Broadway in Camden's business district and in the neighborhood around Stevens and Benson Streets, according to a statement released by Attorney General Anne Milgram, who said the group "utilized violence and intimidation to protect its turf."
Federal, state and county law enforcement agencies executed a series of arrests on Friday to wrap up the investigation.
One of those arrested last week was free on bail following his arrest Nov. 29 on charges he conspired to commit murder. At that time, authorities armed with search warrants seized two handguns, $10,000 in cash, three pounds of marijuana, 2.5 ounces of crack cocaine and 500 bagged individual doses of heroin ready for street sale.
The crackdown is the latest in a series of law enforcement actions that have targeted the Bloods, considered one of the largest street gangs in the country.
On Thursday, the FBI announced the arrests of 10 members of the Seven-Nine-Trey Bloods, a Newark, N.J., street gang heavily involved in crack and heroin distribution in that city's south side.
A day later, a federal judge sentenced a leader of Trenton's Sex Money Murder Bloods set to 17 years in prison after he was convicted of conspiring to distribute more than $1 million worth of cocaine.
Fifteen other reputed members of that organization were charged in September with drug dealing as part of a sweeping investigation by the New Jersey Attorney General's Division of Criminal Justice.
Both the division and the federally funded High-Intensity Drug Trafficking Area (HIDTA) Joint Camden Task Force took part in the investigation that led to the arrests announced yesterday.
"We're seeing an increase in gang activity associated with the drug trade," said Jeremiah A. Daley, executive director of HIDTA.
Daley said it was impossible to determine if every group that claimed to be affiliated with the Bloods was part of the national organization. But he cautioned that the gang was prolific, has spread into both cities and suburbs and used violence to expand and protect its drug operations.
While Philadelphia still has many independent operatives in the drug underworld, Daley said, "Camden seems to be morphing over into affiliated groups [such as] the Bloods, the Crips, the Latin Kings."
All those charged in the latest investigation are Camden residents. Two of the 10 were juveniles.
Those previously arrested for conspiracy to commit murder are Juan Vargas, 24; Nathaniel Clay, 30, and Dionoco Adams, 26. Authorities have declined to provide details of their alleged murder plot.
Vargas, who was out on bail, was shot and wounded on Thursday night, authorities said.
In addition to the conspiracy charge, Vargas is now charged with being the leader of a narcotics trafficking network, racketeering and conspiring to manufacture and distribute heroin.
Other reputed gang members charged in the case are Kenneth Hands, 30; Hector Archeval, 20; Keith Jones, 40; Jose Vargas, 22; Javiel Ford, 20; and two juveniles, aged 17 and 16, whose names were not released.

Well-planned gangland hits are making murders tougher to solve.

Well-planned gangland hits are making murders tougher to solve, says B.C.'s top cop.
"The gangs are very sophisticated," Solicitor-General John Les said yesterday. "They use up-to-date equipment. Our job is to make sure police have the right tools.
"[But] these targeted gang-related shootings can be very hard to investigate."
Les said he is not concerned about falling success rates at a regional homicide unit based in Surrey.
The Integrated Homicide Investigation Team says its success rate has dropped from 80 per cent in 2003 to 62 per cent in 2006. Success is defined when charges are laid.
"The province needs more integration in respect to homicides," Les said.
He'd like to see Vancouver's large homicide unit join forces with IHIT, which has 17 member jurisdictions from Sechelt to Hope.
Vancouver Police Department's success rate was almost identical with IHIT's in 2006, even though Vancouver's staff isn't as large.
Const. Tim Fanning said charges were laid in 12 of the city's 19 homicides, which works out to a success rate of 63 per cent, one per cent better than IHIT. Investigations are continuing in the remaining seven.
"VPD homicide and IHIT investigate the same types of murders, often related, all within the same regional district," said Fanning.
VPD has two sergeants and 18 investigators, plus five assistants for a total of 25; IHIT, which investigated 43 murders in 2006, has 76 investigators and a total of 96 staff.
Fanning said IHIT has roughly twice as much staff available for each homicide.
Delta's police force has a 75-per-cent success rate investigating a small number of homicides since 2003.
Charges have been laid in six of eight investigations.
"We're very lucky a lot of the gang stuff hasn't happened here," said Const. Paul Eisenzimmer. "If it was, that would affect our stats. They are harder to prove."
Delta police have a proposal before council which recommends joining forces with the regional unit.
"Ultimately, more resources are available to throw at a homicide," said Eisenzimmer. "The gang stuff may not stay away forever."
West Vancouver has left IHIT and assigned its one investigator to Vancouver's homicide team.

Los Zetas

Commonly known as the enforcement branch of a top tier Mexican drug trafficking organization (DTO) known as the Gulf Cartel, the founding members of this elite group of hit men are former Mexican soldiers who, once trained, left the rank and file to earn money protecting the black market economy.
During their tenure as a paramilitary force overseeing the transshipment of multiple tonnes of cocaine across the border into the US, Los Zetas was then given orders and controlled by Osiel Cardenas-Guillen, the former head of the Gulf Cartel now awaiting trial in the US.
The extradition of Cardenas in January 2007 caused a rift in his organization’s structure, removing the one power that had been able to contain Los Zetas and solidifying its status as the real power at the border.
Both before and after this change in leadership, the brazen nature of their attacks could be easily discerned from the day-to-day violence in Mexico. Some corpses left in the wake of a hit had the letter “Z” carved into their backs; standoffs in broad daylight against rival DTOs, police and/or military included hi-tech weaponry such as machine guns and RPGs. Newspapers refer to them as narco-soldiers due to their past military training. Their tactics are smooth and confident and their movements organized.


Los Zetas has seen their status exalted from that of hired goons to full-fledged gatekeepers. And the group is now likely a drug trafficking organization itself, having taken over the Gulf Cartel in a slow but steady process during 2007.
Formerly reserved for members of an elite enforcement unit, the term Zeta has begun to encompass members of the antiquated Gulf DTO, rendering the Gulf Cartel to little more than a name, with Los Zetas running the day-to-day operations from a ground-based standpoint.
Their numbers have been reported in the hundreds, but for Calderon there are now only two that matter. The reputed second in command of Los Zetas, Miguel Treviño Morales, is said to be running Nuevo Laredo’s daily operations, while Heriberto “El Verdugo” Lazcano (The Executioner) is said to be moving between Gulf-controlled cities in Tamaulipas to remain out of site.
It was reported that Lazcano was shot to death in October 2007, but he is now believed to be in the Gulf-controlled state of Tamaulipas, possibly the city of Tampico, the same seaside city where authorities seized 11 tonnes of cocaine in October 2007.
bloody encounter for what has already been a violent year, on 7 January, a van full of gunmen ran a roadblock outside the border town of Reynosa, Mexico. Mexican soldiers and federal police chased the van to a small house across the street from the Reynosa police station. The gun battle began soon after. In the aftermath, 10 suspects were arrested and five policemen were dead. Along with the suspects, Mexican police seized three automatic rifles, an Uzi submachine gun, grenades and hundreds of rounds of ammunition.
Dozens of murders have resulted from battles between the Mexican security forces and armed criminals along the US-Mexico border since the beginning of this year. It is a spike in violence that has many in the US worried that gun fights may spill across the border, carrying all the reprisals that left a string of Mexican border towns without journalists, mayors, police chiefs and musicians in 2007.
The US Border Patrol has not taken any extra precautions, but is keeping its agents in the field “abreast of the situation,” according to Border Patrol spokesman Oscar Saldana, who recently spoke with ISN Security Watch.
“We’re advising everyone to be on the alert and be extra cautious because of the situation on the Mexican side,” he said.
Others, however, argue that more action must be taken to prevent the establishment of a significant presence of Mexican organized criminals inside the US. However, preparations on the US side of the border are directly linked to a lack of resources from the federal and state levels.
“What has been appropriated is likely spent,” Kent Lundgren, chairman of the National Former Border Patrol Organization, told ISN Security Watch in a recent telephone interview.
And what may come from the federal government in the future will almost certainly be delayed by US presidential elections.
When the lives of officers are at stake, Lundgren said, law enforcement must prepare for the worst case scenario, which could be the possibility that a small group of armed men could cross the border and encounter a patrol cruiser. The resulting firefight would be no contest. The heavily armed Mexican criminals would easily overcome one or two Border Patrol agents most likely armed with only pistols.
“We have seen no indication that law enforcement in South Texas is prepared for the worse case in this matter,” he said.
Meanwhile, the Mexican government has shifted its posture from reactive to proactive. No longer interested in waiting for Mexican organized crime to strike before responding, Mexican President Felipe Calderón wants to hunt them down, starting with Los Zetas in the northeastern Mexican border state of Tamaulipas.

James Gang,

Obsessed with the lore of the outlaw James Gang, James "Tokie" Caston decided that his first two boys would bear the names of his heroes: Jesse and Frank James. By the time the third son, Sonny, arrived in 1967, the boys' futures were clear. At an early age, Frank Caston recalls, most people in tiny Lake Providence, La., referred to the brothers not as the Castons, but as the "James Gang."
"To be named after the worst outlaw in the country, I think you put a stamp on a person," says Jesse James Caston, 42, who was on the FBI's 10 Most Wanted list in 2000. "We never had a chance."
Their names were symbolic of a troubled upbringing that Jesse and Frank Caston say was marked by abuse and neglect. Today, all three brothers are convicted killers serving life sentences at Louisiana's state prison.
Their story is extraordinary but emblematic of what social scientists and law enforcement officials see as an increasingly complex and persistent problem: people who become criminals in part because of the influence of family members.
Nearly half of the 2 million inmates in state prisons across the USA — 48% — say they have relatives who also have been incarcerated, according to a Justice Department report in 2004, the most recent comprehensive survey of state prison populations.
The portion of those reporting the detention of fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, spouses and children has kept pace with the national prison population as it has increased during the past decade. In 1997, 48% of state prisoners also reported that family members had been to prison, according to a Justice Department analysis for USA TODAY based on previous inmate surveys.
Social scientists and law enforcement authorities say the influence of family members may be one of the most important and largely unaddressed factors in determining whether people adopt lives of crime.
"The numbers are amazing," says Oregon psychologist Mark Eddy, who is tracking 400 inmates and their deep familial ties to that state's criminal justice system. Eddy, a principal researcher for the Oregon Social Learning Center, which studies social problems plaguing families, says prison administrators and law enforcement officials only recently have begun to recognize the problem and tried to intervene.
"This is a big issue," Eddy says, "one we need to get a handle on as a society."
Doing so will depend in part on a more complete understanding of the phenomenon, Eddy and other researchers say. Criminologists and sociologists are trying to determine whether criminal wrongdoing is spreading to more families or deepening across generations within the same families.
Family ties are ingrained in just about every part of the nation's criminal justice system. On California's death row, prison spokeswoman Terry Thornton says, there are six sets of brothers among the 667 condemned prisoners awaiting death by lethal injection.
In Texas, which has executed six sets of siblings, there are two sets of cousins on death row. An additional dozen or so death row inmates have relatives serving time in other parts of the state prison system, spokeswoman Michelle Lyons says
In the Castons' case, the issue wasn't an incarcerated family member. It was a collision of poverty and a lack of family support that helped lead the brothers to violent crimes and prison.
James Caston couldn't read very well, but that didn't stop him from collecting every book he could find on the criminal exploits of Jesse James, the legendary outlaw who along with his brother and other members of the "James Gang" robbed banks, trains and stagecoaches after the Civil War.
One of Frank Caston's most vivid memories is of his father asking him to read passages from those books aloud until the elder Caston's curiosity was satisfied for the night.
Those were the good times. The bad times are what the Caston brothers say scarred them for life.
In separate interviews with USA TODAY at the Louisiana State Penitentiary, Jesse and Frank Caston, 41, described Gothic-like childhoods during which their father beat them and, after their parents separated, they often were left at early ages to find their own food and places to sleep. (Sonny Caston, 40, declined to be interviewed.)
Both men characterized the breakup of their parents' marriage as perhaps the most life-altering event of their childhood. Frank Caston says he became aware of the split at the age of "7 or 8," when his mother left the house.
Jesse and Frank Caston say their mother took their youngest brother with her and left the other three boys with their father, a local fisherman.
Although the three boys lived briefly with their sickly grandfather, they spent most of their time with their father. From that point on, they say, their lives were marked by near-constant misery.
Their mother declined to comment for this article. Jesse Caston says their father, who he believes did not have a criminal record, died in 2004.
The brothers say they spent five to six nights a week locked out of the house. Some nights were spent with sympathetic neighbors. Other nights, they sought refuge in a local cemetery or in an alley near a commercial laundry, where a sympathetic manager would leave the dryers running so the boys could warm themselves under the outside vents.
Occasionally, Frank Caston says, he slept outside with a family dog, Pony, to keep warm.
"That can put a lot of hate in a person," Jesse Caston says of their upbringing.
At 13, Frank Caston says, he crossed the line, when he and Sonny burglarized a neighbor's home. "We just didn't care anymore," he says. Before they were caught, they splurged on a meal of pork chops and rice with money they took from the home. "It was the first time we ate like that" in a month, he says.
Shortly afterward, Frank Caston says, he and Sonny served two stints in juvenile detention for separate thefts of a truck and a bicycle.
"Daddy said we would end up at Angola by the time we were 18," Frank Caston says.
As it turned out, James Caston wasn't off by very much.
In 1988, Frank, then 22, and Sonny, 21, were sentenced to life in prison in connection with the murder of a local sheriff's deputy during an attempted jail break. The brothers had been jailed on lesser charges when a third suspect helped engineer the escape.
The slain deputy, Jeff Gathings, was on duty alone when he was shot to death with a 12-gauge shotgun during the breakout.
That year, Jesse Caston, then 23, began an eight-year prison sentence for a manslaughter conviction. In 2000, four years after his release, he became the target of an eight-month manhunt that briefly elevated him to the FBI's 10 Most Wanted list for the slayings of his wife and her friend.
Jesse Caston confessed to shooting his wife, Angela Caston, in the head, according to court documents. He also admitted fatally shooting her friend, Sharon McIntyre. As part of a deal with prosecutors, he pleaded guilty to McIntyre's murder and was sentenced to life in prison without parole.
Reviewing his criminal record during the interview, Jesse Caston shakes his head. He has cousins who served prison time, he says, but as far as he knows, many of his other relatives, including his father, "never had a speeding ticket."
The brothers say they do not solely blame their parents for their criminal pasts.
Frank Caston says he could have made better decisions. Says Jesse Caston: "What kind of bad luck ends a man up in here?"
An investigator with the East Carroll Parish district attorney's office and attorneys who have represented Jesse and Frank Caston attest to the boys' particularly rough upbringing.
They also confirmed key aspects of their early lives, based on their own discussions with the brothers or personal contacts with family and those who knew the Castons as children.
Sha Carter, the district attorney's investigator who assisted in the investigation that ended with Jesse Caston confessing to the murders of his wife and her friend, says interviews conducted during the investigation of the killings supported the Castons' account of a difficult upbringing.
Carter, however, rejects the notion that the brothers' experiences as children were to blame for their criminal actions as adults.
"I don't believe their backgrounds had anything to do with it," Carter says. "You have privileged people who do the same thing. I just don't think it's an excuse."
Burl Cain, warden of the sprawling Angola complex, also says he has no reason to doubt the Caston brothers' accounts. What is not in dispute, he says, is that they arrived here as "extremely dangerous" men. "It's real sad."
'Bigger than just a police issue'
The Castons' experience, although extreme, is not all that different from what authorities are battling in places such as Oregon and Boston.
Since 2003, Boston police have assisted the city in an intense review of the crime-plagued neighborhood of Grove Hall in Boston's Dorchester section.
Police Superintendent Paul Joyce says the review found that a relatively small number — 457 — of the neighborhood's 19,000 residents were responsible for an overwhelming portion of law enforcement contacts. From 2000 to 2003, for example, the 457 residents were arraigned nearly 12,000 times.
Further study, Joyce says, led authorities to one family whose contacts with the local criminal justice system spanned five generations.
Joyce says the city identified 11 younger family members — ages 12 to 23 — deemed to be at the most risk. Police, social workers and public health authorities flooded the group with counseling, health and other social services.
"We may have gotten there too late," Joyce says, adding that all but one of the 11 already were "involved with gangs. And nine of the 11 already have been in prison" before the intervention. He hopes the city can get involved early enough to make a larger difference with other families and says authorities are working to identify six more for similar intervention.
"This is much bigger than just a police issue," Joyce says. "It's about thinking differently. If we don't do something, this cycle will just continue."
Eddy, the Oregon psychologist, says most of the 400 inmates in his study, which focuses on their return to their families and young children, also have considerable generational links to crime.
At least 20% of the inmates reported that their mothers had been in prison. At least half said their fathers or siblings had been in prison.
"If you want to break the cycle, the current generation (of family members) has to be linked with education and jobs," Eddy says, adding that many need basic information on how to be good parents.
Porter, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services administrator, says the federal government hopes to expand its new voucher program to link 24,000 children of imprisoned parents with mentors by 2010.
"It's a very complex set of issues," Eddy says.

large-scale 'cannabis factories' hidden in ordinary houses

Sir Stephen Lander, SOCA's chairman, warned that large-scale "cannabis factories" run by Vietnamese and Chinese criminals are springing up across the country.
Home-grown: Vietnamese and Chinese criminal Gangs have set up large-scale 'cannabis factories' hidden in ordinary houses
Hidden in ordinary houses, the factories are producing huge quantities of high- strength skunk cannabis on an "industrial scale".
Sir Stephen told the Commons Home Affairs Select Committee: "There are wide areas of the country where this is being grown commercially.
"It's not as though people are growing it in a couple of pots on their window sills."
Sir Stephen also expressed concern about the growing number of migrants from outside the EU seeking to exploit lax European border controls to enter Britain.
He revealed that new visa requirements for all South African visitors could be introduced because thousands of illegal immigrants are using the country as a gateway to the UK.
Ministers are to look into current rules whereby all South African passport holders can enter Britain without a visa, after SOCA helped to expose the huge scale of organised document fraud.
Last week, it was revealed at least 6,000 illegal immigrants - mostly poor Indian workers - had been smuggled into the UK via South Africa.
The villagers, who were charged up to £30,000 a time, were given genuine passports which were obtained fraudulently from corrupt officials.
Sir Stephen told MPs that identifying the connection represented an early success for his agency, which was set up in 2006 to tackle the criminal gangs' "Mr Bigs".
Although he admitted SOCA had struggled in its early months to understand patterns of people-trafficking gangs and organised illegal immigration, he insisted it is now having "some success".
Sir Stephen also faced tough questioning over whether the agency is providing value for money for its £440million annual budget.
SOCA has been attacked in recent months over its apparent failure to stem the flood of drugs coming into the UK.
Crime fight: Bill Hughes (left), director-general of the Serious Organised Crime Agency, and Sir Stephen Lander, SOCA's chairman, warned of the threat posed by foreign criminals
But he insisted that operations overseas - including successful seizures at sea by the Royal Navy - are starting to have an impact.
He claimed cocaine wholesale prices are £5,000 greater in the UK than in the Netherlands, pointing to a radical reduction in the supply of the drug.
However, he did admit that this had made little difference to street prices and that, increasingly, the drug was being diluted or "cut" with other substances before being sold cheaply on the streets.
During the session, Labour MP David Winnick asked him: "There doesn't seem to be the slightest indication that organised crime in this country is being undermined.
"Master criminals are not going in fear of their lives because of your organisation. Why should the British public consider that you have made the slightest difference?" But Sir Stephen insisted the pay-off from SOCA's new approach would come "in two or three years' time", adding: "We've been going 21 months.
"This is a marathon, not a sprint. We need some time and space to get on with it."
Last night, Home Office immigration minister Liam Byrne said no final decision had been made over whether to force South African visitors to apply for visas.

25 criminal Gangs were busted in the past year, involving more than 400 charges against 176 people and drugs worth $1.5 billion

The Australian Crime Commission yesterday painted a disturbing picture of just how powerful organised crime gangs have become. It said Australians were largely unaware of organised crime's involvement in legitimate business activities. The nation's gigantic superannuation stockpile has even become a major target. The ACC said it was concerned about the association between criminals and potential terrorists. "Terrorists use crime to support their political objectives," the ACC said in its Organised Crime in Australia report, released yesterday. "In Australia, the relationships between criminals and terrorists have generally been short-term and limited to providing specific services, such as false identity documentation, non-traceable communications, and/or money laundering." But the ACC said it was unlikely crime gangs and terrorist groups would forge stronger links, because each wanted to avoid scrutiny.
The ACC report also revealed:
technology has given criminals unprecedented power to organise lucrative crimes across national and international borders.
Gangs of different ethnic backgrounds were putting aside rivalries to commit major crimes together. gangs were sending members to universities to acquire specialist skills.finance experts were being blackmailed or intimidated into committing crimes.
GANGS were gathering intelligence on police, business people and public servants in the hope of forcing them into corruption.
ACC chief executive Alastair Milroy said most Australians were unaware of the high level of organised crime involvement in industry and in the community in general. "(It) pervades all parts of society and the concerning part is that many in business and the community in general do not realise how vulnerable they are to it," Mr Milroy said. "Organised crime is diverse and flexible and encompasses a broad range of industries and activities, including drug trafficking, corruption, violence, fraud, money laundering, hi-tech/cyber crime and other financial sector crimes. "I urge the public and business community to be more aware, better informed, and to take an active role in reporting information on criminal intelligence on organised crime to either the ACC or their local policing service," he said. The ACC wouldn't reveal how many organised crime gangs were entrenched in Australia. But the elite crime body told the Herald Sun in 2004 it had identified 97 syndicates. The ACC said yesterday a growing number of syndicates used the services of professional facilitators and service providers such as migration agents, financial advisers, and accountants. "Their involvement may be as a result of coercion through blackmail and intimidation. "The use of professional facilitators allows crime groups to distance themselves from their criminal activity and avoid the attention of law enforcement agencies." - Herald Sun news

Gang of 49, assaults and robberies were at Christies Beach, Brighton, Somerton Park and Kurralta Park.

Assaulted and bashed by men who are believed to be members of the so-called Gang of 49.
Adelaide police say five men were involved in nine violent attacks over two hours late last night.
A 19-year-old woman who does not want to be identified says she was walking home with her mother after using an autoteller machine on Prospect Road when they were approached by two men demanding money.
The pair refused to hand over a handbag.
"They threw my mum to the ground and they were just hitting her in front of me and I couldn't stop them," the teenager said.
"They were just hitting her and hitting her and I didn't know what to do.
"They were dragging her along the ground and I tried to fight them off but I couldn't."
Police say five offenders assaulted a woman outside the Entertainment Centre at Hindmarsh.
The men also tried to steal a car from a woman at the corner of Sturt and Marion Roads.
Another target was a taxi driver at Noarlunga Hospital who was forced from his car and bashed.
His taxi was stolen but then returned.
Other assaults and robberies were at Christies Beach, Brighton, Somerton Park and Kurralta Park.
Police were also called to Croydon where a man was bashed and his car stolen. It was found hours later.
A Magna used by the offenders was found dumped at Wingfield.

Tuesday, 29 January 2008

The Durban Bloody Brawl Gang

gang of young men from affluent Durban families trashed an upmarket pub, leaving two people seriously injured and causing damage estimated at thousands of rands.
The bloody brawl, captured by closed-circuit camera, lasted more than two hours at the Hillcrest franchise of the trendy Franki Bananaz pub in the early hours of Thursday.
The pub's management said police failed to respond to their calls despite the station being only about 200m away.
In CCTV footage, traumatised patrons watch from inside as the group of 10 to 12 men, mostly in their 20s and carrying baseball bats and golf clubs, throw chairs at the pub's windows.
A male patron, as well as one of the pub's managers, who have both asked not to be named for fear of reprisals, underwent surgery after sustaining cuts to their heads.
The cause of the attack is still a matter of conjecture.
While some Hillcrest locals reported that the fight may have been ignited by the turning away of an Indian man from the venue on New Year's Day, leading him to return with friends to avenge the rejection, others said it was in retaliation for bouncers roughing up the patrons.

18-person crime ring

18-person crime ring that may be responsible for the theft of up to $100 million worth of medicine and health and beauty goods from convenience and grocery stores statewide, Polk County Sheriff Grady Judd said Thursday.The investigation started with two shoplifters at a Publix supermarket on Shepherd Road in Lakeland on June 26, Judd said at a news conference in Lakeland on Thursday afternoon.Rita Maddox and Elisha Cordle of Dover stole nearly $4,500 worth of Oil of Olay products that day, placing them into special bags designed to conceal stolen goods, Judd said.To law enforcement, it seemed like a regular shoplifting incident and the two were charged with grand theft. But after speaking with confidential sources, Judd said, a sheriff’s detective uncovered something more: the single largest organized crime ring of its kind in Polk County Sheriff’s Office history.On Thursday, after executing five search warrants, 14 people were arrested and charged with racketeering and conspiracy to commit racketeering. Five of those people are already serving jail or prison time, Judd said. Four more people are still wanted on the same charges.Judd said many more may be involved.”I highly suspect that this is just a tentacle of a larger operation,” he said. “This is truly more of the beginning of the investigation than its end.”Maddox and Cordle were just two of at least 13 stealthy shoplifters who stole between $60 million and $100 million worth of over-the-counter medicines and beauty and health products from hundreds of convenience and grocery stores in at least 11 counties, Judd said.They reported to two middlemen and two ringleaders, who in turn sold the products out of two warehouses, three flea markets, including one in Auburndale, and two Web sites, including a long-standing eBay.com account.The crime ring has been operating for at least five years, Judd said.The investigation began after Maddox and Cordle, who have a child together, were arrested in June.It spanned seven months and included the sheriff’s offices of Polk and Hillsborough counties, the Florida Department of Law Enforcement and Attorney General Bill McCollum’s office.The retail theft operation was well-concealed. The 13 known shoplifters are all related in some way to each other and most had prior arrests and convictions for shoplifting, Judd said.They used bags designed to conceal the stolen items to shoplift from the stores, which they revisited numerous times. On one day, Judd said, investigators watched thefts occur in eight different stores. On another occasion, three people shoplifted from a Publix store while a manager did inventory in the same aisle. They were good at what they did, Judd said.The four who led the ring do not have criminal records, he said.Ringleaders Steven and Kerry Coburn are married and own four homes throughout Seminole County, authorities say. They sold the stolen items on their Web site SaleAwaySavings.com, Judd said, and even offered free shipping to customers in the U.S.One item, a soap and cologne gift set for men, was recently being sold on the site for $48.95. A 110-pack of Nicorette orange-flavored gum was on clearance sale for $159.99.The goods were delivered to the Coburns in cardboard Chiquita and Dole banana boxes. Steven Coburn inspected each box to make sure the items were in top condition. Popular items included Gillette razors and razor blades, Oil of Olay moisturizers and other health-related products, from Tylenol and Excedrin to pregnancy tests and diabetic test strips.”He wanted to make sure they were brand names and not generic,” said sheriff’s Maj. Joe Halman.Coburn even required forms to be signed that stated none of the products were stolen, Judd said.Theresa and Ronald Parrish were the middlemen, police said. They dealt with the shoplifters and paid them as much as $3,000 in cash for each delivery. Theresa Parrish, an eBay member since March 2002, sold some of the items out of her eBay store, Lola’s Discount Health and Beauty, officers said.More than 10,000 positive feedback points were left for Parrish from happy eBay members who purchased items such as razor blades, moisturizer and even bras. Buyers left praise for the quality of the products and speed of delivery.Judd said that once they were arrested, the Parrishes quickly confessed.”This investigation is just beginning. We know there are others involved,” he said.It is not known exactly how much of a profit the operation generated. Although the shoplifters were arrested from time to time, their offenses were thought to be singular events. Until the law enforcement agencies developed the investigation, they did not realize how many people were involved, Judd said.

27 teenagers were stabbed to death last year

In London alone 27 teenagers were stabbed to death last year. There have been at least four deaths this year already. Two weeks ago, in a London suburb, a schoolgirl was beaten, gang-raped and then had caustic soda poured over her to eliminate traces of her attackers’ DNA. She is in a burns unit and fighting for her life.
Three youths are awaiting sentencing for kicking to death a harmless disabled man in Sunderland. In Warrington a father of three was beaten to death for protesting at youths who were vandalising cars. A few miles away a woman of 60 had to be put on life support after a thug fractured her face for refusing him a cigarette. She will be permanently blind in one eye.

Gang Fight

Three young men were being treated at local hospitals after a Monday afternoon brawl fought with knives, according to San Jose police.
The injuries were not life-threatening, police said. And police said the fight occurred over an argument. It was possibly gang-related.
The fight began about 3:30 p.m at Winter Park Drive and Cunningham Avenue.
It left three juveniles injured, one seriously. The victims are 15, 16 and 17 years old. Police were looking for four suspects, but there was no descriptions available as of Friday evening.

Fuat Turgut, Güler Kömürcü, Asım Demir, Raif Görüm, Emir Caner Yiğit, Tanju Okan, Yaşar Aslanköylü, Tekin, TavukçuoğlAnatoli Medjan and Atilla Aksu.

A confidential operation was conducted against the Ergenekon organization, which has been monitored for 2.5 months. Thirty-three people were taken into custody in an operation which hit 43 different locations. Those arrested for founding a terrorist organization include the Kuvayı Milliye Association chairman, Fikri Karadağ, and retired general Veli Küçük.
Charges brought against the deep-state linked Ergenekon organization by a Turkish court have shown that the gang was after a military takeover in Turkey while records of phone conversations of its members in the hands of German police show that they were also involved in the drug trade.
The Ergenekon organization -- 14 of whose members were arrested Saturday in one of the biggest operations ever against deep-state-linked groups in Turkey -- was working to create a chaotic atmosphere so that its counterparts in the military could overthrow the government, charges brought against the group by a law court in İstanbul has confirmed. All in all, 28 members of Ergenekon are currently under arrest. They were also involved in the drug trade, documents from the German police confirmed. Germany's Niedersachsen State's anti-drug department, Landeskrimi-nalamtes (LKA), which tapped the phones of some of the Ergenekon members as part of a narcotics investigation, proved that Ergenekon members were indeed in the drug business as well.

The court accuses the members of the Ergenekon gang, a xenophobic and ultranationalist organization suspected of a number of political murders including that of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, of committing bombings and attacks in the past two years, of inciting people to revolt, establishing a terrorist organization, of leading that terrorist organization and of membership in the terrorist organization.

Some of the gang members against whom charges have been brought are Veli Küçük, a retired general who is also the alleged founder of a clandestine and unofficial intelligence unit in the gendarmerie, the existence of which is denied by officials; controversial ultranationalist lawyer Kemal Kerinçsiz, who filed countless suits against Turkish writers and intellectuals who were at odds with Turkey’s official policies; Fikret Karadağ, a retired army colonel; and Sevgi Erenerol, the press spokesperson for a group called the Turkish Orthodox Patriarchate.

Documents seized during the investigation into the gang, whose members include former military officers, some of them high-ranking, revealed that they were planning to create complete chaos in the country to prepare fertile ground for a military coup d’état in 2009.

An inspection of Küçük’s personal organizer showed that Ergenekon had planned six steps to stage an eventual coup. Leaders of the Ergenekon gang had jointly decided to “OK” Dink’s murder in January of last year, the murders of three Christians in Malatya last April, an attack on the Council of State that left a senior judge dead and bombings at the secularist daily Cumhuriyet, claimed some Turkish newspapers on Monday.

Daily Sabah also alleged that the murder of academic Necip Hablemitoğlu was ordered by the German secret service. Hablemtioğlu’s research suggested that individuals opposing gold prospecting disguised their acts as environmentalism but were really serving the interests of powerful gold exporters in Europe. Several newspapers wrote that the group had links to German intelligence.

The gang’s plans to create chaos and confusion included giving rise to armed conflict between Kurdish and Turkish citizens.

Newspapers wrote on Monday that the first stage of the group’s plan was to establish civil society organizations such as the Association for the Union of Patriotic Forces (VKGB), the National Forces Association and the Bureau of the Protection of Rights, all ultranationalist organizations. The second stage was to find support in the military among younger officers and higher-ranking soldiers unhappy about the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party). The third stage involved a strange company known as the Special Bureau, an intelligence agency for the group set up by a former intelligence officer. The Special Bureau would protect the group’s plans from falling into the hands of the Nationalist Intelligence Organization (MİT) or a shady intelligence unit in the gendarmerie whose existence is officially denied. The fourth stage included adding into this scene bogus terrorist organizations that would foment conflict between the country’s Kurdish and Turkish populations. The unemployed, nationalist and uneducated Turkish youth, most of whom spend their time in the ultranationalist Idealist Clubs, would be used in various acts. The sixth stage includes recent political murders the group has been suspected of, including Dink’s, the killing of an Italian priest in 2006 and an armed raid on the Council of State -- as well as plans that have not yet been realized, including the assassination of Turkey’s Nobel Prize-winning author Orhan Pamuk.

Ergenekon involvement in drug trafficking

Meanwhile, the deep-state-linked Ergenekon organization has been actively involved in drug trafficking to finance its activities, documents from the German police confirmed.

Germany’s Niedersachsen State’s anti-drug department, the LKA, which tapped the phones of some of the Ergenekon members as part of a narcotics investigation, proved that Ergenekon members were indeed in the drug business as well. The records of a Nov. 20, 2003 phone conversation between retired Capt. Muzaffer Tekin, arrested in June of last year as the owner of the munitions depot found in anİstanbul shantytown that started the Ergenekon operation, and Yılmaz Tavukçuoğlu, an alleged drug trafficker, shows that Ergenekon used drug money to fund its activities. The two men in these conversations talk about the sale of a plot of land in Ümraniye. According to the LKA’s Willi Neumann, the co-owners of the land were Tekin and Ertuğrul Yılmaz, the former owner of Doğuş Factoring, who was murdered in eastern Germany two years ago. Neumann’s report asserts that this piece of land might have been used to launder money from drug trading with Tavukçuoğlu. According to a book by Doğan Karlıbel titled “Turkey Operations of German Secret Services,” the piece of land was sold for $2.5 million. The money was shared between Tekin, Tavukçuoğlu and Ayhan Parlak, who was arrested in the 2006 attack against the Council of State, the same book claims.
Latest in the investigation
Meanwhile, the public prosecutor in the case objected to the release of nine individuals taken into custody earlier on in the Ergenekon investigation but later freed by the court. Late in the evening on Monday, the prosecution appealed the release of lawyer Fuat Turgut, who is currently the legal counsel of a suspect in the Dink murder, daily Akşam columnist Güler Kömürcü, Asım Demir, Raif Görüm, Emir Caner Yiğit, Tanju Okan, Yaşar Aslanköylü, Anatoli Medjan and Atilla Aksu. Representatives of Kerinçsiz also appealed his arrest. The İstanbul 13th Higher Criminal Court will review the appeals from both sides.

Abkeen Cochran

Abkeen Cochran, who was gunned down on a Hempstead street last Thursday, stands in stark contrast to the fact that the rate of violent crime in Nassau County is low and dropping. Any gun violence is too much. So it's welcome news that officials are targeting gun crimes, one category of offenses that ticked up last year. The goal is sustained crime reduction, which is the right target.
The plan, announced last week by Nassau District Attorney Kathleen Rice and county Police Commissioner Lawrence Mulvey, includes undercover gun investigations, tougher prosecutions aimed at rooting out gun traffickers, an anonymous "Gunstoppers" tip line and help for paroled gun offenders to find alternatives to a life of crime.
Nassau isn't awash in gun violence. But there were 67 shootings with injuries last year, up from 54 in 2006. The rise is troubling, coming, as it does, when major crimes, including murder, rape and robbery, are down 12.6 percent.
declines may be difficult to sustain in the face of rising gun violence. The establishment of a special enforcement unit focused on tracing illegal guns to their source and taking down traffickers should help. Firearms in Nassau invariably come from somewhere else, since no guns are manufactured on Long Island.
But tougher enforcement is the easy part. More important is enlisting the community in the effort. And more difficult is using the stick of parole and the carrots of job training, education and other social services to help gun offenders make lives within the law. That last is critical to sustaining any progress in curbing gun violence and crime. And reducing crime, rather than locking people up after the fact, is one way to make the quality of Long Island life even better.

Raymond Jackson, a.k.a.Renard Harrison

Jamaican national and gang member is back in his homeland
after being deported by U.S. Immigration and Customs
Enforcement officers.
USICE officers recently deported Raymond Jackson, a.k.a.
`Renard Harrison,` who is wanted by Jamaican authorities for
the murder of two police officers there.
Jackson had entered the United States on April 26, 2006 via
sea near Jupiter, Florida. He was ordered removed on May 4,
2006 and subsequently deported on May 22, 2006. Jackson then
illegally re-entered the United States but was later arrested
by the Lauderhill Police Department on Jan. 16, 2007 as a
suspect in a murder investigation. The charges were
subsequently dropped. But he was charged for re-entry after
deportation, on April 17, 2007, and sentenced to time served.
Jackson, who ICE officials say is a top lieutenant of the
Clansman gang, was recently deported again. He was transferred
into the custody of Jamaican authorities upon his arrival in
Jamaica.
`Criminals who think that they can use the United States as a
safe haven are sorely mistaken,` said Michael Rozos, ICE field
office director for detention and removal in Florida. `This
man will now have to account for his actions before the
Jamaican authorities.` -

Jose Recinos,Manuel Mendes,ICE takes custody of suspected gang MS-13 members

ICE takes custody of suspected Lynn gang members Some of the seven suspected MS-13 gang members arrested Saturday at the Strawberry Avenue Playground are currently in custody of Immigration and Customs Enforcement for possible immigration violations, authorities said. At least two of the seven men arrested, Manuel Mendes, 23, of 58 Kirtland St., Lynn and Jose Recinos, 17, of 299 Lexington St. #2, East Boston are currently in ICE custody, according to court documents. A Lynn police spokesperson said others were likely detained by ICE but didn't have specific information about who else was being held. "Some of the individuals who were arrested had immigration issues," Lt. Dave Brown said.

Monday, 28 January 2008

execution-style murder of a man at a Gold Coast home

Execution-style murder of a man at a Gold Coast home today.
The child, aged about 2 1/2, was in the pool in the back yard of the house when the man was shot three times in the chest by another man who fled in a black BMW.
Police are now searching for the gunman, who is in his late 20s or early 30s.
Officers wearing bullet-proof vests rushed to the property in Cayuga Street, Nerang, after shots were heard.
It is understood they found a man at the house who had been shot three times in the chest.
Paramedics were unable to resuscitate him.
It is understood the victim and the gunman were known to police.
Police are searching for a man who was seen leaving the area in an older-style black BMW sedan. He is described as being in his early 30s, Caucasian, 178cm tall with shaved brown hair and a goatee.
Police believe that the man and victim may be known to each other, however investigations are continuing to establish their association.

A number of witnesses are assisting police and the scene is being examined.

Florencia 13: Greater Los Angeles is now home to some 500 Mexican gangs

Mexican gangs in Los Angeles, like Florencia 13, are waging a bloody campaign to drive blacks from neighborhoods.Gangbanging is responsible for much of the carnage. Greater Los Angeles is now home to some 500 Mexican gangs—compared with some 200 black ones—and they’ve aggressively tried to push blacks out of mixed-race neighborhoods. More than just turf wars, the Latinos’ violence has included attacks against law-abiding African-Americans with no gang involvement; a horrifying example was the December 2006 murder of 14-year-old Cheryl Green by Mexican gang members in Harbor Gateway, a brutal crime designed to terrorize local blacks. Three years earlier, the same gang had killed a black man because he dared to patronize a local store that they considered “For Hispanics Only.” Meantime, federal authorities have indicted members of another Los Angeles–based Latino gang, Florencia 13, for random shootings of blacks in South L.A. The indictment chillingly accuses a gang leader of giving members instructions on how to find blacks to shoot


Though blacks have long worried that the country’s growing foreign-born population, especially its swelling rolls of illegal immigrants, harmed their economic prospects, they have also followed their political leadership in backing liberal immigration policies. Now, however, as new waves of immigration inundate historically African-American neighborhoods, black opinion is hardening against the influx. “We will not lay down and take this any longer,” says Anderson. If he’s right, it could upend the political calculus on immigration.
Black unease about immigration goes back a long way. In the 1870s, former slave Frederick Douglass warned that immigrants were displacing free blacks in the labor market. Twenty-five years later, Booker T. Washington exhorted America’s industrialists to “cast down your bucket” not among new immigrants but “among the eight million Negros . . . who have without strikes and labor wars tilled your fields, cleared your forests, builded your railroads and cities.” Blacks supported federal legislation in 1882 that restricted Chinese immigration to the United States. They favored the immigration reform acts of the 1920s, which limited European immigration, and also urged restrictions on Mexican workers: “If the million Mexicans who have entered the country have not displaced Negro workers, whom have they displaced?” asked black journalist George Schuyler in 1928.

Recent polling data reveal the shift. Though a 2006 Pew Center national survey showed some of the same ambivalence among blacks toward immigrants, it also found that in several urban areas where blacks and Latinos were living together, blacks were more likely to say that immigrants were taking jobs from Americans, and also more likely to favor cutting America’s current immigration levels.

What’s behind the anger, as the Pew data hint, is the rapid change that legal and illegal Hispanic immigration is bringing to longtime black locales. Places like South Los Angeles and Compton, California, have transformed, virtually overnight, into majority-Latino communities. Huge numbers of new immigrants have also surged beyond newcomer magnets California and New York to reach fast-growing southern states like North Carolina and Georgia, bringing change to communities where blacks had gained economic and political power after years of struggle against Jim Crow laws. Since 1990, North Carolina’s Hispanic population has exploded from 76,726 people to nearly 600,000, the majority of them ethnically Mexican. In Georgia, the Hispanic population grew nearly sevenfold, to almost 700,000, from 1990 to 2006.

This Latino “tsunami,” as Los Angeles–based Hispanic-American writer Nicolás Vaca calls it, has intensified the well-founded feeling among blacks that they’re losing economic ground to immigrants. True, early research, conducted in the wake of the big immigration reforms of the 1960s, suggested that the arrival of newcomers had little adverse impact on blacks—one study found that every 10 percent increase in immigration cut black wages by only 0.3 percent. But as the immigrant population has in some places grown six or seven times larger over the last four decades, the downward pull has become a vortex. A recent study by Harvard economist George Borjas and colleagues from the University of Chicago and the University of California estimates that immigration accounted for a 7.4 percentage-point decline in the employment rate of unskilled black males between 1980 and 2000. Even for black males with high school diplomas, immigration shrank employment by nearly 3 percentage points. While immigration hurts black and white low-wage workers, the authors note, the effect is three times as large on blacks because immigrants are more likely to compete directly with them for jobs.
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